2026 ADDITION OF VIRGINIA DAY ON SOLITARY CONFINEMENT

ON SUNDAY NOVEMBER 8TH, 2026 THE SECOND SUNDAY IN NOVEMBER WHICH IS VIRGINIA DAY ON SOLITARY CONFINEMENT WE STAND WITH IMPRISONED VIRGINIAN.  as an annual awareness and advocacy day focused on opposition to solitary confinement in Virginia prisons. 

Key points:

• VAPAC designated the second Sunday in November as Virginia Day on Solitary Confinement Awareness Day. 
• The purpose is to encourage public discussion about the psychological and human-rights impacts of long-term isolation in prison. 
• Organizers encourage participation through social media posts, discussions, signs, videos, radio call-ins, and other forms of public advocacy. Suggested hashtags include #VaDayOnSolitaryConfinement and #NovemberVASecondSunday. 
• The observance is tied to ongoing debates over Virginia's use of what the Department of Corrections calls "restorative housing," a term critics argue can still amount to solitary confinement. Virginia enacted restrictions in 2023 requiring, among other things, at least four hours per day out of cell and periodic reviews, though advocates criticized the law for not including a hard 15-day limit.
• The issue remains active in Virginia. In 2026, a federal judge allowed a class-action lawsuit challenging long-term solitary confinement practices at Red Onion State Prison to proceed to trial. [acluva.org] 

So on this 2026 edition of solidarity with the imprisoned Virginian, we call on Family, Ally, and Friends, and the people of Virginia to speak out and reject the practice of solitary confinement regardless of name

VAPAC

Summary of Thorpes analysis that prison is designed to extract from and control labor By William Thorpe

Pictures are taken from the internet and are used for illustrative purposes on

The central argument of A JUSTICE INFRASTRUCTURE AND THE IMPRISONMENT APPLICATION HAS NOTHING TO DO WITH A JUST DUE OR IDEALISTIC NOTIONS OF "JUSTICE" is that prison systems and justice institutions were not primarily created to deliver moral justice, but to serve broader economic and political functions.

William Thorpe argues that understanding the true purpose of Virginia's imprisonment system is essential for meaningful reform. He contends that many people accept the traditional narrative that prisons exist to provide "justice," but he believes this narrative obscures the actual historical role of these institutions.

The essay develops a theory that:

• Human societies are fundamentally organized around meeting material needs, especially food and economic survival.
• The Industrial Revolution transformed people from individuals existing "for themselves" into economic units valued according to their role in production and profit creation.
• As industrial capitalism expanded, governments needed systems of coercion and control to maintain labor discipline and social order. Thorpe identifies the justice system and imprisonment as part of that enforcement infrastructure.
• In his view, prisons function primarily as mechanisms for controlling labor and managing populations within a political-economic system rather than as institutions grounded in abstract ideals of fairness or moral justice.

Thorpe then applies this framework to Virginia's prison system, arguing that reform advocates should challenge the conventional "justice" narrative and instead examine the historical and economic purposes behind imprisonment. He suggests that opponents of reform often defend the existing system by relying on idealized notions of justice while ignoring its underlying function as a tool of social control.

In one sentence: Thorpe's essay argues that prisons are best understood not as institutions created to achieve justice, but as products of economic and political systems designed to regulate and control human labor and behavior, and that recognizing this reality is necessary for prison reform.

By vapac

A JUSTICE INFRASTRUCTURE AND THE IMPRISONMENT APPLICATION HAS NOTHING TO DO WITH A JUST DUE OR IDEALISTIC NOTIONS OF "JUSTICE" AND THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA ISNT ANY DIFFERENT By William Thorpe

Pictures are taken from the internet and are used for illustrative purposes on

This is not the first time I'm tackling this aspect of the Social Contract of our human condition, however as simple as its grasp is, its still a hard pill for people to swallow that the entire "JUSTICE" pageantry, has nothing to do with whatever narrative is presented as reason and purpose. Anyway I do have to get into the nuts and bolts of it, because if we are to compel reform of Virginia's imprisonment scheme, then we have to have its comprehensive grasp. First of all everything about the human condition has a history or explanation that truly and seriously has nothing to do with....."AND GOD SAID ", but is the structure of the dictatorship of purpose. Before I continue, I want to once again reiterate, stress and emphasis that if we are to compel reform of Virginia's imprisonment scheme then its mandatory that we affirm that if the reason and purpose of something has nothing to do with how one encounters and experiences it and its existence demands reform, then we are obligated of such awareness. Because just because something has become traditional, doesn't mean its birth wasn't foul and corrupt. In other words, foul and corrupt in this context means, there was a deliberate calculation determined by certain minds and hearts to impose a condition and circumstance, that had the unit of humanity understood, recognized and appreciated the intent, consequences and outcome there would have been a resounding rejection.SO I BEGIN: Yes we breathe air to maintain the biologic and organic process of our existence, but FOOD as energy source, supporting, defining and qualifying the process of existence, is equally determinative and FOOD claims a level of primacy in the entire process, that as source of energy, its acquisition then as a philosophical examination pursuing the preservation of it's structural methods and techniques, employed by Society and its Social Contract is defined as political-economy. Or simply put, without the energy source of food, there isn't the circumstance of a human existence and condition to presume sapience, the dictatorship of purpose and the need for the inevitability of dialectical synthesis. So, with the acquisition of food as energy source defining the primitive affirmations of the "business of human existence" as condition anticipating a Social Contract and the realization of political-economy, every other factor and aspect, is outgrowth and the relative proximity to the qualification of the "business of human existence", then assumes and demands coercion. The relative proximity to the qualification of the business of human existence, appeared as the applied evolution of stages, which the "Industrial Revolution", as it synthesized earlier stages, destroyed the existing dictatorship of purpose and replaced it with a new purpose that transformed the human unit and element into, something more than an entity processing food as energy source, but as A VALUATION AND IT'S REALIZTION. Because the new purpose of the Industrial Revolution demanded the human unit become not a simple consumer, but an element being consumed, by the new function of valuation and its realization, this new dictatorship of purpose required an enforcement Infrastructure, which we now understand as the Justice System and the Imprisonment Application. The human unit that had prior to the Industrial Revolution existed, as a thing for itself, now became a thing in itself, to be consumed, as a creator of wealth or profit, based on proximity within the qualification scheme and process of the business of human existence, or the political-economy. Accordingly, the maintenance of this proximity required coercion.

So prior to the Industrial Revolution, the business of human existence was an amalgamation of everything goes mix of behavior under a feudal determination. In other words the human unit existed, regardless and irrespective of organized levels and circles of interactions and relationships, FOR ITSELF. The obligations of relative existence, were specifically under the "for itself" dynamic. So for example feudalistic terms could demand and compel a portion transfer of that fundamental dictatorship of purpose of existence, from the for itself dynamic irrespective of whether it was a human unit or a group or collective of units. This dictatorship of purpose could be as specific as a hunter providing a portion of his "work" or labor, to the Liege Lord, King, Queen or whoever the entity was filling and occupying the position of Sovereign, under the logic of Taxes, Taxation or Tribute, to the procurement of Women for sexual services, to the Sovereign under the obligation of "pimp-tenure". The intensity of the obligations were not the determining denominator of the For Itself dynamic and parameter of the business of human existence. In other words, the for itself dynamic and parameter was that known and understood history of the business of human existence and condition, which our ancestors had critiqued as explaining the world and its for us to change it by stepping out of its history and constraints, which is exactly what the destruction by the Industrial Revolution accomplished. What is relevant for our work of compelling reform of Virginia's Imprisonment Scheme, demanding that we grasp and understand what the original intent of the Justice Infrastructure, which for our focus is Virginias', is simply this. Once we are clear on the fact that the dictatorship of purpose of the Justice Infrastructure and its imprisonment scheme has nothing to do with the mythological narrative of just due or justice, unless the "justice" is the euphemism of choice for coercion, then we are equipped to refute, repudiate farcical, idealistic and bogus arguments thrown at us by opponents of the inevitable reform. Who in defense of their gluttony at the trough of self-interest, benefiting from Virginia's imprisonment scheme as it currently exists, dredge up arguments birthed and animated with the reactionary fury of the mad and desperate scramble of rats fleeing a sinking ship, that once exposed with the actual history of the purpose of the Justice Infrastructure, can only react with a mask removal of their historic visage, a last ditch flail, grasping onto what for them it has always been about, which is the dehumanization of the human unit, which the transformation from a being for itself into a thing in itself, to be consumed created. So there is nothing surprising about the emergence of the massive and rapid development of the organized-violence of Justice Infrastructures and apparatus symbiotically appearing with the scaling of the Industrial Revolution. Just as the Organized-Violence of military power was required to coerce the necessary trade with colonies, as a result of the Industrial Revolution so was a Justice Infrastructure and its imprisonment scheme required domestically and internally to coerce the former for itself human unit to now become a thing in itself, being consumed by the occupied proximity within the new formulations of the human business of existence compelled by the dictatorship of purpose of the Industrial Revolution. So a imprisonment scheme, a Justice Infrastructure and apparatus, is primarily in existence to "control", LABOR or the Worker, under the dictatorship of purpose of a political-economy.

By William Thorpe

William Thorpe Virginia exiled me to the Texas prison system. I'm solitary confined at the Wainwright Unit and if you feel any kinda way about this work contact me by Securus email using the Texas prison number #2261982 .

CRITIQUING THE INCORRIGIBILITY OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA WHILE DEFENDING THE PEOPLE, WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF CHALLENGING THE IMPRISONMENT SCHEME IS NOT A CONTRADICTION By William Thorpe

Pictures are taken from the internet and are used for illustrative purposes on

I want to begin with this and refute it, not because its premise is illogical, but because practically and historically it is fraudulent. Secondly, it is idealistic, biased and Thirdly it has always been weaponized in that Nietzschean manner of propaganda. Jeff Sessions, the Nation's Attorney General during Trump's first Administration dabbled in its Nietzschean speech and was roundly ridiculed for invoking it as a buffoonish attempt at silencing critics of the deviance and corruption billowing out of "their" ARTICLE II, articulation. What I'm talking about is the Biblical ROMANS 13:1-7.There isn't a context of its affirmation that isn't a disciple of Machiavelli's "opportunism" and its only relevance to our work of reforming Virginia's imprisonment scheme, is its confusing influence on a sizable amount of the People of the Commonwealth, who despite recognizing that the impunity and above-the-lawism of the Virginia prison official is a malignancy and are disgusted by it, however are practically cowed into complicity by its invocation by their various denominational pulpits, who to frame, within their universe are not unlike those embodiments of Government, the Nazarene never passed up an opportunity to expose as antagonistic entities. I BEGIN: Any Virginia Student beginning with Junior High, won't have a problem affirming the necessary and purposeful value of the positive and negative dialectic griding the human business of existence, but with a distinction. Because those same students will, despite affirming the positive in the context of a progressive value of the dialectic interplay and interaction, turn right around and negate their gained insight of the positive value of the dialectic, by perceiving the negative polarity or antithesis as absolute and unresolvable. I have said all of this because it captures and epitomizes the circumstances and character of Virginia's imprisonment scheme. So, for example, it isn't easy for the People of the Commonwealth to set aside the bumper sticker nature of the Speech surrounding Virginia's Justice Infrastructure and give it the required immersive scrutiny it demands. Let's look at it like this the Virginia Department of Corrections or the overseer of the imprisonment scheme, gets the lion's share of taxpayer money. In Virginia's 2026, Budget there were relative cuts across the board while the Department of Corrections' saw an increase. In other words where the money goes isn't a stretch to suppose are the priorities, meaning it should command the People's attention and focus. But true to the dialectic it is the least attended. So, what does the umbrage shown by Judge John A. Gibney in his KING v. OBANNON castigation of the Commonwealth of Virginia, when he said, "For well over a century the Commonwealth of Virginia has disobeyed a Federal Law...." [and this violation was maneuvered into aspect of Virginia's imprisonment scheme], actually tells us about the incorrigibility of the Commonwealth of Virginia? Really not much that the volumes characterizing and documenting the dehumanizing instinct, haven't and are still telling us, [any cursory review of current 2026 court cases filed by Virginia Prisoners against the savagery and barbarism of the professional behavior of the Virginia prison official tells it], which despite the fact the Commonwealth didn't invent savagery and barbarism it is relatively owning, by resisting its abandonment. What our work of reforming the imprisonment scheme ask, is the People, set aside sophistry that induces complicity.

By William Thorpe

William Thorpe Virginia exiled me to the Texas prison system. I'm solitary confined at the Wainwright Unit and if you feel any kinda way about this work contact me by Securus email using the Texas prison number #2261982 .

When the parole process becomes window dressing

Pictures are taken from the internet and are used for illustrative purposes on

The main argument of this VAPAC post is that Virginia publicly presents its parole system as Evidence of fairness, rehabilitation, and enlightened justice while simultaneously undermining the very purpose of parole through arbitrary and extra-legal practices. [vapac.blogspot.com]

Key Themes

1. Parole as a promise versus parole in practice William Thorpe argues that the existence of a parole process implies a social commitment to rehabilitation, second chances, and rule-of-law principles. He contends that Virginia claims the moral legitimacy that comes with having parole while often frustrating its actual operation. 

2. "Law made man" versus "man above the law" A recurring theme is that legal systems lose legitimacy when personal opinions, biases, or discretionary power override the intended function of law. Thorpe describes this as "above-the-lawism," where officials effectively substitute their own judgments for the legal framework they are supposed to administer. 

3. The Adkins parole case as an example The article focuses heavily on the federal case involving Jeff Adkins and parole examiner Robert Paul Lightner. Thorpe argues that a parole recommendation based on the serious nature of the original offense undermines the purpose of parole because the seriousness of the offense was already considered by courts and juries when the sentence was imposed. In his view, using that factor to deny release later effectively rewrites the original judgment.

4. Accountability and public trust The author contends that when parole officials operate beyond the intended limits of the law, it damages public confidence in government institutions. He argues that even when the affected population is relatively small, such practices signal broader risks to the rule of law for society as a whole.

5. Historical criticism of Virginia's prison system The post places modern parole issues within a longer historical critique of Virginia's penal system, referencing past court decisions and arguing that reforms such as parole were meant to move the Commonwealth away from older, more dehumanizing approaches to imprisonment.

One-Paragraph Summary

Thorpe argues that Virginia's parole system serves as a public symbol of rehabilitation and lawful governance, yet parole officials often undermine that purpose by relying on subjective judgments that effectively override the legal foundations of parole eligibility. Using litigation involving parole decisions as evidence, he contends that this practice represents a form of official "above-the-lawism" that weakens accountability, public trust, and the legitimacy of Virginia's criminal justice system.

From an editorial standpoint, this is one of Thorpe's stronger social-contract and legitimacy critiques, focusing less on individual prisoner grievances and more on whether state institutions actually honor the legal principles they publicly claim to embrace. 

By vapac